
From Badaru to Musa: Resetting Nigeria’s security priorities
The mysterious sudden illness that afflicts some Nigerian political appointees and compels them to resign suddenly has struck again. This time, the casualty was Mohammed Badaru Abubakar, now the erstwhile Minister of Defence, who, a few days after granting a robust, career-ending interview to the BBC Hausa, suddenly fell too ill to continue in office.
He joins a list that includes Senator Abdullahi Adamu, who in July 2023 resigned his position as the APC National Chairman due to ill health; Ajuri Ngelale, who in September 2024 resigned as the President’s Special Adviser on Media and Publicity, also due to ill health; and Abdullahi Ganduje, who in June this year resigned his position as APC Chairman after suddenly falling “ill,” only to miraculously recover enough to assume duties as the chair of the Federal Airports Authority of Nigeria (FAAN) a few weeks later in July.
The appointment of Mr Badaru as the Minister of Defence, along with Bello Matawalle, former governor of Zamfara State, was a baffling anomaly. At a time when insecurity was a major challenge, the appointment of two former governors with no experience in the defence sector, especially with Matawalle’s curious record of governing Zamfara when the state became a hotbed of banditry, did not indicate that President Tinubu was taking his campaign promises seriously.
Of course, President Obasanjo had appointed former Kano Governor Rabiu Kwankwaso to the position between 2003 and 2007, so there is a precedent. But the circumstances at the time were radically different, as Nigeria was not facing the kind of security threats we are facing today. These current challenges call for a pragmatic approach by having someone with concrete experience in the defence sector and the zeal to address the problems.
Unfortunately, as if it was not obvious enough from his track record, Mr Badaru’s BBC interview highlighted his unsuitability for this office when he claimed that despite knowing the location of the bandits and terrorists, Nigeria could not eliminate them because they are hiding in thick forests that bombs could not penetrate. The statement is ludicrous. Anyone with any basic knowledge of Nigeria’s geography and recent developments in military operations and capabilities knows that this statement comes from a place of ignorance or mischief—none of which Nigeria can afford at this time.
This is also coming at a time when Matawalle’s video on Channels TV, while he was still the Zamfara Governor, seemingly justified the bandits’ actions and sounded more like a bandit sympathiser than a governor who should be outraged that criminals have laid siege to his state and to the people he governed over, who were being killed in droves.
I understand that non-kinetic approaches are necessary to deal with certain aspects of this crisis, but right now, Nigeria cannot and should not engage in any non-kinetic approach to peace from a position of weakness. Until the Nigerian military degrades and eliminates the very kinetic threat that the terrorists pose to the country, any peace deals or non-kinetic approaches, as we have seen over the years, will be violated by the terrorists and bandits who enter these agreements as acts of magnanimity, not desperation.
The appointment of Rtd General Christopher Musa to replace Badaru as Minister of Defence is undoubtedly a move in the right direction for the administration. Musa has the relevant military experience, having fought as a field commander in the North East region, and seems to enjoy the support and respect of both the military and civilian populations.
General Musa has always been a proponent of a strong kinetic approach. With his experience in the military and the knowledge that we do have bombs that can penetrate the terrorists’ forest hideouts, it is hoped that he can reinvigorate, expand, and equip our military for these challenges, and also reform our national defence policy.
However, the Nigeria National Defence Policy (NNDP, 2006), which was designed to guarantee national security by deterring external threats and aggression, is built on prevention, protection, deterrence, and rapid force mobilisation. One of its key tenets is to prevent aggression using diplomacy and deterrence. It is clear from our present circumstances that we are past diplomacy and deterrence, especially regarding internal threats, and cannot mobilise forces rapidly enough to rescue schoolchildren before they disappear into the wilderness at the hands of bandit kidnappers; thus, the NNDP is outdated.
One of the major tasks Gen Musa must address is to speed up the reform of the NNDP from its outdated framework that is anchored on conventional threats, which we are most definitely not facing, and the fact that it inadequately addresses asymmetric warfare. It lacks clear paths to independent deterrence, technological self-sufficiency, and a robust defence industrial base.
The policy needs to be updated to address the pervasive graft in procurement, budgeting, and oversight, through which senior officials have continued to milk the system and profit from the misery of Nigerians, and in some cases, continue to perpetuate the security crises we are facing despite rising expenditure.
The policy must also address implementation gaps in terms of its failure to achieve principles like force projections, military limitations, and redress.
While efforts have been initiated to reform the NNDP, this needs to be expedited so that we have a unified approach to dealing with our security challenges, which would mean not having one government official pushing for kinetic approaches while at the same time we are enriching criminals through ransom payments.
While General Musa’s role now has transitioned to providing civilian oversight over the military, managing military branches, budgets, procurement, and operations for territorial defence, he will be able to manage these roles better with his background of knowing firsthand what the situation is on the frontlines and what exactly the military would need to overcome these challenges. So beyond understanding the needs of the service chiefs and the expediency with which these needs are to be met, he would need to collaborate better with the National Security Adviser on intelligence gathering, sharing, and analysis. While he was CDS, it didn’t seem that was the case following his Al Jazeera interview, which I had been very critical of in my January 9, 2025, column titled “The Problem with General Musa’s Al Jazeera Interview.” In it, the General unwittingly advertised a gap in the intelligence-sharing that needs to be addressed promptly.
One thing you can’t take from his impending appointment is the goodwill he has from Nigerians, who, overwhelmed by the security challenges, are hoping that this will be one of the appointments that indicate that the Nigerian government is finally taking the security situation in the country seriously.
As things stand, hundreds of villages and acres of territory are still under the control of Boko Haram, who are running an alternative government in these territories, collecting “taxes” from helpless civilians and enforcing their own kinds of laws on their captive population (I will be writing more about this in the coming weeks). This is a situation that needs to change urgently.
We have played politics enough with the security situation in the country, and the time for definitive action is now. Hopefully, General Musa’s appointment as Minister of Defence will be one of many pragmatic steps taken to address this. While the euphoria persists, I am sure the General will understand the weight of expectations Nigerians are pinning on his babban riga. Like millions of Nigerians, I wish him good health to keep his office, success in his new position, and count on him to lead a positive reform of our defence sector operations to better protect Nigerians. May Nigeria succeed.
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