Lagos Frets over Planned Reactivation of Other Ports

Nigeria’s ongoing battle for port efficiency has taken a new turn following Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu’s sharp remarks on the state of the nation’s maritime gateways. His comments have reignited scrutiny of how Lagos and other ports measure up in terms of capacity, competitiveness, and national relevance, writes Festus Akanbi

The renewed debate over the future of Nigeria’s maritime gateways erupted last week after the League of Maritime Editors (LOME) publicly criticised Lagos State Governor Babajide Sanwo-Olu for comments interpreted as unease over the reactivation of ports in Warri, Onne, and Calabar. What should have passed as a routine sectoral remark has snowballed into a national conversation, touching on economic geography, political sensitivities, inter-agency reforms, and the broader struggle to modernise Nigeria’s logistics backbone.

For decades, the Apapa and Tin Can Island ports have functioned as the country’s dominant trade arteries. Their rise dates back to colonial-era planning and post-independence investments that cemented Lagos as Nigeria’s industrial and commercial nerve centre.

These historical advantages created a gravitational pull, drawing shipping lines, freight forwarders, manufacturers, bonded terminals, and a broad ecosystem of businesses to Lagos. Today, the city handles between 70 and 80 per cent of national imports, a dominance that has become both an economic strength and a structural liability.

Structural Liability

That liability is seen most clearly in the dramatic congestion that has defined Lagos ports for more than a decade. Endless queues of trucks, dilapidated access roads, chaotic traffic flows, and extortion by non-state actors have long frustrated shippers. Even with reforms introduced by the Nigerian Ports Authority (NPA) and its technology partner, Trucks Transit Parks (TTP), the corridor is still recovering from years of inefficiency. Billions have been spent, electronic call-up systems have been deployed, and traffic management frameworks have been strengthened. Yet Lagos continues to handle more cargo than its infrastructure was built to handle.

Reducing Logistics Costs

This context explains why the federal government has intensified efforts to revive neglected ports outside Lagos. The Warri, Onne, and Calabar ports, each with its own historical and strategic value, are now seen as crucial to reducing national logistics costs, stimulating regional development, and easing pressure on Lagos. The NPA’s Managing Director, Dr. Abubakar Dantsoho, has repeatedly emphasised that Nigeria cannot afford a single-city port model. In this context, AUDA/NEPAD, transport economists, shippers’ groups, and industry analysts have argued for a more balanced maritime ecosystem that distributes cargo volumes in line with regional productive capacity.

It was against this backdrop that LOME interpreted Governor Sanwo-Olu’s remarks as an attempt to preserve Lagos’ dominance at the expense of national efficiency. In a strongly worded statement, the group accused the governor of resisting a reform process that benefits the broader Nigerian economy. They argued that Nigeria’s logistics chain is too vast and complex to continue relying on a single state, particularly one already struggling with urban congestion and infrastructure strain. LOME insisted that the revival of Warri, Onne, and Calabar is not a threat to Lagos but rather an inevitable step toward creating a more competitive maritime system.

Yet to reduce Lagos’ position to simple resistance would be to ignore the deeper economic considerations. Lagos officials have long maintained that the state is not opposed to the growth of other ports but is concerned about the risk of sudden cargo diversion without parallel investment in nationwide logistics infrastructure.

In their view, Lagos hosts the densest cluster of manufacturers, importers, exporters, and service providers in West Africa; a significant rerouting of cargo could disrupt production cycles, alter supply chains, and even destabilise revenue streams on which the state depends. Their argument is not entirely without merit: the success of non-Lagos ports depends heavily on dredging, waterway security, hinterland rail links, and modern cargo-handling systems, areas where progress has been uneven.

This is why the current disagreement is less a clash of political interests and more a question of sequencing. Should Nigeria first invest heavily in upgrading alternative ports before shifting cargo? Should Lagos be further modernised to stabilise current volumes? Or should both happen simultaneously under a coordinated national ports strategy? These are the questions that policymakers have been grappling with, often without clear answers.

Meanwhile, Lagos’ port reforms, although imperfect, have begun producing tangible results. The Ètò electronic call-up system introduced by NPA and operated by TTP has processed more than three million truck journeys. The company says its N4.2 billion investment has helped reduce haulage costs by up to 65 per cent since 2021.

Recent improvements include the deployment of electronic barriers at all terminal gates, eliminating many loopholes that allowed trucks to bypass procedures. In addition, truckers are now required to adhere to a structured movement schedule that prioritises safety and efficiency.

Stakeholders such as the Association of Maritime Truck Owners (AMATO) argue that the narrative of constant congestion in Apapa is outdated. In their view, the corridor is significantly more organised, with reduced waiting times and fewer traffic breakdowns.

But this view contrasts sharply with the assessments of the Nigerian Association of Road Transport Owners (NARTO), whose president, Yusuf Othman, has highlighted persistent extortion, uncoordinated identity checks, and ageing truck fleets as ongoing barriers to efficiency. He acknowledged that Lagos is moving in the right direction but insists that loopholes remain, loopholes that must be sealed if the city is to maintain its role in the wider maritime chain.

The Lagos State Government has also attempted to improve safety by announcing plans to inject 2,000 compressed natural gas (CNG) trucks into the haulage system. Officials argue that this will reduce accidents, cut emissions, and improve last-mile cargo evacuation. But industry players caution that technology alone cannot solve systemic problems.

They argue that a holistic solution must include road reconstruction, consistent enforcement, and a unified command system for traffic management.

These domestic debates carry broader economic implications. Nigeria’s logistics chain is among the most expensive in Africa, with long dwell times, cumbersome processes, and unpredictable trucking costs.

Economic studies have consistently shown that the concentration of maritime activity in Lagos contributes to these costs through bottlenecks and inefficiencies. Reviving the Warri, Calabar, and Onne ports could more evenly distribute economic activity across the regions, shorten the supply chain for Eastern and Northern manufacturers, and reduce overall transport costs. But these outcomes hinge on significant investments in dredging, security, road and rail links, and modern cargo-handling technologies.

Lagos at Crossroads

Lagos, for its part, stands at a crossroads. A gradual shift of cargo to other ports could reduce environmental strain, ease road congestion, and support a transition toward a more high-value logistics ecosystem. But without careful planning, it could also undermine local businesses, shrink port-related revenues, and disrupt industries built around the Apapa–Tin Can axis. The choice is therefore not binary: Nigeria does not have to choose between Lagos and the other ports. What the country needs is an integrated national maritime strategy that assigns roles, coordinates investment, and ensures that no port operates in isolation.

There are signs that such thinking may finally be taking root. The federal government’s push for a National Single Window, designed to harmonise documentation across all ports, reflects a desire to modernise the entire system. NPA’s plans to expand the Ètò platform into states such as Cross River, Abia, Bauchi, and Kaduna illustrate its commitment to a unified logistics framework.

Meanwhile, the rehabilitation of rail corridors linking ports to inland terminals, particularly the Lagos–Ibadan standard gauge, suggests a growing recognition that ports are only as efficient as their evacuation mechanisms.

The controversy sparked by Sanwo-Olu’s remarks may therefore have an unintended but constructive effect: it has forced Nigeria to confront the reality that its maritime system is at a turning point. Lagos has borne the burden of national trade for decades, often at high cost to its infrastructure and residents.

Other ports offer relief, but only if they are equipped, governed and connected to meet global standards. The task now is to blend Lagos’ experience with the strategic potential of the eastern and Niger Delta ports to create a maritime network capable of supporting Africa’s largest economy.

In the end, Nigeria’s maritime future should not be framed as a turf war between Lagos and the rest. Instead, it should be seen as an opportunity to build a diverse, resilient, and efficient port system in which each location plays to its strengths. Suppose this moment becomes a catalyst for coordinated national planning, transparent investment, and genuine reform. In that case, the controversy may prove to be a turning point in Nigeria’s quest for a modern, competitive logistics architecture.