How we viewed Nigeria’s intervention in Benin Republic — Dr. Dieudonne

Dr. Gnammankou Dieudonne is a Professor of History at the University of Abomey-Calavi, Benin Republic. In this interview, he spoke on Nigeria’s intervention in their country and how it is being perceived by citizens of the Francophone country.

Recently, there was an attempt to remove the government in Benin, but Nigeria assisted the authourities of your country and restored normalcy. What is your take on this?

You know, what I can say for the moment is that, according to what I read, it was the Benin government who asked the Nigerian government for military help, according to the agreements between the two countries. Although, some say that it was through ECOWAS, it seems that it was through the bilateral relations between both countries. I think most of the people in Benin were surprised by the military coup.

You know, the opposition is still criticising the government because the main political party of the opposition could not present its candidate for the presidential election. But what is clear is that the current president, Patrice Talon, officially announced that he will not stay in power, and he nominated his candidate for the next presidential election, which will take place in April. So, everybody knows — even those who don’t like him, I mean those who don’t like President Talon in the country — know that he’s finishing his second term as president and he’s leaving power. So, there was no need for a military coup.

That’s why I think that among the population, many do not know who the military men are and  their real objective.

So, if I understand the situation, the generality of people in Benin are in a way happy with the president because he is rounding up his tenure and he is not saying that he will remain in power?

Yes. You know, he did two things. Before now, let’s say about six months ago or at least a year, the opposition was saying that he won’t leave power, that he would stay. You know, there were rumours. But he finally announced that the constitution did not allow him. He said he would respect the constitution, then he nominated the candidate of his party to replace him at the election. The second thing he did was that he apologised to the country over whatever mistakes he may have made during his two mandates. So, he was ready to leave power peacefully. And even among the people, part of the population criticised him and disagreed with his politics. But most Beninois were calmly, patiently waiting for next April.

To elect a new president?

Yes. If they like, they will elect his candidate. If they don’t, they will elect another candidate. Those who were against him knew they wouldn’t vote for his candidate. They would vote for another one. So, they were waiting for April to express, you know, their wish.

Does that mean the citizens were not on the same page with the soldiers who wanted to overthrow the president?

Exactly. I think that’s why no one understood why it happened. In anyway, as we understood, it was a very small part of the army who decided to organise that coup. Though, everything is not clear, what is sure is that the Beninese population didn’t go outside to support the military coup. When they announced it, there was no jubilation.

No jubilation, whatsoever?

No. People were in their houses. I live in Porto-Novo. People were at home because they heard that in Cotonou, there were fights — military, I would say. People heard that soldiers were shooting in Cotonou, around the presidential palace and even at the president’s private house.

When you heard that Nigeria was there to support in restoring power, as a historian, how did you feel about that intervention?

I was very surprised. I was wondering why the matter couldn’t have been solved by the loyalists in the national Beninese army. Now, this is the first time, I think, such a thing happened — such military support from a neighbouring country, as Nigeria or another country, in Benin. I don’t think that in our recent history, it has ever happened until now.

But if it is, as has been said in the media, that the Nigerian military intervention was done in respect of the military agreement between both countries, I think that I understand that. If it was ECOWAS, then there are other debates to be had because the organisation’s position towards military coups in West Africa over the past years is an object of polemics.  ECOWAS is used to saying they have a military force in waiting, but nobody saw that military force helping countries when jihadists, terrorists attacked. In northern Benin, we have problem with terrorists. Until now, it is only our national army fighting against those terrorists, instead of maybe the ECOWAS or even Nigeria, going to do that intervention. I think it is a precedent. It’s the first time, I think, such a thing happened. But it happened to restore peace in the country; we don’t know what would have happened. If there had been fights in the country, in the streets, in the towns, between two parts of the army that would have had great impact on the lives of people.  It would have also affected the democracy and evolution of the country.

So, you are happy?

Yes. I’m happy.

It appears as though democracy is not deeply entrenched in Africa. Look at the crisis in Guinea-Bissau, in Guinea, in Mali, in Cameroon. Leaders want to remain in power.  Like what Nigeria did in Benin — do you expect similar things to continue to happen across the region so that democracy can be protected?

No, I don’t agree with that. I think that problems should be solved, for the moment, internally — by the population and the political elite; those who respect democracy and those who don’t respect democracy. Normally, in each country, that can be solved internally. Such a military intervention as Nigeria did (in Benin) recently should be exceptional because, it’s true all countries are fighting for the establishment of democracy in their own way. We see now in the Sahel, they’re going a different way with military forces in power.

I think it’s the people of each country who should determine how they want to govern themselves.

What lesson do you think African leaders should learn, because some analysts say the coups and attempted coups are a result of the sit-tight posture of some  leaders…

Yes, that’s what some observers call “constitutional coup d’état.” Because when a leader’s mandate term is over, he should leave power.

They’re supposed to have enough time to prepare their successor. They are supposed to prepare their successor in the party, who should be a candidate to replace them in the next presidential election.

So, when they modify and change the constitution to remain in power, that’s not a good situation. And that’s one of the reasons why there are military coups. But in Benin, that was not the case. The rumours that President Talon wanted to stay in power is false. He had the majority in parliament, so he could modify the constitution to add a third term or fourth term, etc. But that wasn’t the case.

The constitution was changed a few weeks ago and the duration of the mandate was changed. Until now, it was five years. Now, the new president will stay in power for seven years, maximum of two mandates. And the new constitution created a Senate. We didn’t have a Senate in our assembly.

You only had Reps before?

Yes. So, if he (current president) wanted a third mandate, then he could have modified the constitution in that way, but he didn’t. He already said goodbye to the Beninese people as president.

Was it that some people were thinking that he would benefit from the amended constitution?

Yes, but he’s not vying; he’s not contesting.

We have security challenges across the region. In Benin, there is terrorism. In Mali, terrorism. In Burkina Faso, terrorism. Also, in Niger and Nigeria, terrorism. If Nigeria can intervene militarily to restore democracy in Benin, what role do you think it can perform in bringing all these countries together to collectively fight terrorism?

This is an important question. But, you know, there are two points. Some are saying that Nigeria is too close to our former colonial power, France. That’s why Nigeria’s decisions in ECOWAS are criticised by part of West African Francophone population.  And, as you know, in those countries, there are some who don’t want to cooperate with the French government any longer. Among the youth population, most of them want to stop cooperation with France — as you see happening in Mali and Burkina Faso, which are our neighbouring countries.

You know, what we don’t understand is that Nigeria is the greatest country in West Africa — even in Africa. So, normally, the Nigerian army is supposed to be leading armies in our region to work together. Nigeria’s role is very important, should be important in that. But, I know and have heard many people saying that Nigeria itself is not able to solve its Boko Haram problem which started over 15 years ago. So, how can Nigeria help its neighbours, you know, people question that.

Are you saying perhaps Nigeria has to look inwards, maybe to review its international policy?

Yes. That’s what I’m trying to say. You know, Nigeria is by itself a regional and even continental power in Africa. That is the way we see Nigeria.

So, Nigeria doesn’t need to be aligned with any other former colonial power — be it France, Britain, or Portugal, etc. Nigeria itself, even by its own history, has the legitimacy to lead such a regional movement to fight against all those threats our countries are facing. And, the only thing is that, you know, we heard in the media that — I don’t remember if it was a military president of Niger or Mali — some of them in the Sahel state accused some members of the Nigerian army of working with the French regional army or secret services. You know, there was such an accusation. Such things affect people’s confidence in  the entire process.

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