Making Coup D’état Unattractive

Obinna Chima, Editor, THISDAY Saturday

Obinna Chima

In West Africa, the urgency of making coup d’état unattractive has taken on new weight, especially after last Sunday’s attempt to overthrow Benin Republic’s President, Patrice Talon. The development in Benin Republic, which occurred a few days after soldiers took power in Guinea-Bissau, while a presidential election vote count was still underway, has deepened concerns about democracy backsliding in the sub-region.

In response to the Benin Republic incident, President Bola Tinubu had authorised air strikes in the neighboring country, while the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) dispatched ground troops same day.

Coups retards growth and hinder stability and since 2020, the sub-region has been shaken by repeated disruption of democratic settings. About 10 months ago, it recorded a forceful takeover of democratic structures in Mali, Burkina Faso, and the Niger Republic, a situation ECOWAS is yet to recover from. There have been eight successful military takeovers within the last five years.

For Guinea-Bissau, former President Goodluck Jonathan, who recently returned from election monitoring duties in the West African country, where he was trapped and later evacuated after the military seized power, had said the “so-called coup” was engineered by the ousted President Umaro Sissoco Embaló, and was not a genuine military coup. Jonathan had explained that during the exercise, Embaló himself announced that he had been arrested before the military made any public declaration.

Indeed, the high rate of coups in West Africa raises critical questions regarding its causes in the sub-region and, more importantly, whether democracy as currently practised remains necessary, effective, or even meaningful for long-term stability and development.

Some key factors that encourage military intervention in the democratic process in the sub-region include, governance failure linked to institutional corruption, lack of accountability, flawed electoral processes, as is the case here, which encourage sit-tight leaders in some parts of West Africa, as well as economic factors.

The sub-region is littered with broken promises, twisted constitutions, and battered democracies, mainly due to the sit-tight syndrome. A growing number of leaders seem unwilling to relinquish power, clutching onto it with tenacity that defies democratic norms. These politicians ascend to office with popular support, consolidate power, amend the constitution, and remain indefinitely.

In some others, like Togo, dynastic succession and manipulated elections have turned the democratic process into a farce. Some of them have either modified or eliminated constitutional term limits in their countries, while others have resisted efforts to institute them. The justification for their actions is often attributed to popular pressure from their citizens to remain in power, which remains a threat to the democratic credentials of the sub-region.

Indeed, sit-tight leadership erodes public trust, weakens institutions, stifles innovation, and breeds instability.  Regrettably, the voices of the youth, which is the largest demographic on the continent, are drowned out by gerontocratic regimes that no longer represent their aspirations, with civil society routinely muzzled.

Another factor responsible for this is the pervasive insecurity plaguing the sub-region. A report by the   United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) had identified insecurity in the Sahel region as one of the causes of coups in the sub-region.  This no doubt exposes weakness of civilian governments and contributes in eroding public confidence in democratic institutions. Countries such as Mali, Burkina Faso, Niger, including Nigeria have struggled for years to contain terrorists and other forms of insurgents that have killed thousands, displaced millions, and crippled local economies. As violence spreads, citizens become increasingly frustrated with governments they perceive as either overwhelmed, corrupt, or incapable of providing basic security, creating fertile ground for military actors to intervene in democratic processes.

Additionally, external factors play a role in contributing to coups in West Africa, especially as foreign interests ranging from France, China, Russia, and the United States battle for control of natural resources in the sub-region.

As stated previously, military interventions in democratic settings, no matter how they are justified, ultimately undermine stability, weaken  institutions, and derail  the long-term development of West African countries. They replace constitutional order with uncertainty, concentrate power in unelected hands, and often worsen the very crises they claim to solve. West Africa cannot build a strong, resilient future on the foundation of military rule. The region’s progress depends on strengthening democratic institutions.

But  democracy will only survive in West Africa if political leaders invest in a way that benefits their people. Preventing coups in West Africa, as in any other region, requires addressing the underlying political, social, and economic factors that contribute to political instability. Some of these include tackling corruption, promoting free and fair elections, tackling poverty, unemployment, hyper-inflation, and rising inequality.

Countries still practising democracy in the sub-region must therefore prioritise good governance, reject sit-tight leadership, and wage a decisive war against corruption and terrorism. By promoting transparency, protecting civil liberties, and upholding term limits, leaders can rebuild public trust and give citizens a reason to keep faith in the democratic process.  As we all saw in Guinea-Bissau, elections have become a major trigger of instability in West Africa.

Political leaders need to understand that the only thing constant in life is change and that everything is constantly changing. Periodic change in political leadership through a democratic process makes leaders accountable to the people they represent. The threat of being voted out of office encourages responsiveness to public needs and concerns. So, to make coups unattractive, political leaders and political institutions must encourage a peaceful and transparent electoral process.

This must be a time for true reflection for ECOWAS and its members. The body must work hard to disincentivise coup d’état and address the root causes of unconstitutional changes in the sub-region so as to reverse the trend. Apart from the declaration of a state of emergency across the region, the body needs to move beyond mere condemnation of military coups and announcement of sanctions. It must be in the driving seat in the much-desired quest to strengthen good governance in West Africa.

The President of the ECOWAS Commission, Omar Touray, who said recent developments underline the imperative of serious introspection on the future of democracy and the urgent need to invest in the security of West Africa, must also see to the genuine support of a coordinated regional response to terrorism and cross-border criminal activity.