Constituency projects and the crisis of fiscal responsibility in Nigeria

It is deeply troubling that a significant percentage of capital items in Nigeria’s annual national budget now consist of what are labeled “constituency projects.” These projects range from the provision of solar-powered streetlights to classroom construction, renovation of primary healthcare centers, installation of boreholes and hand pumps, and construction of small culverts. Most of them cost between N10 million and N50 million each. While they may appear developmental on the surface, their overwhelming presence in the federal budget has distorted both governance priorities and fiscal transparency.

The national budget is meant to reflect strategic, nationwide development planning. Instead, it has become cluttered with micro-projects that ordinarily fall within the purview of local governance. This proliferation makes the budget unnecessarily bulky and difficult for citizens to track. It blurs the distinction between federal responsibilities and grassroots administration, leaving many Nigerians confused about what the federal government is truly responsible for delivering.

Under Section 4 of the 1999 Constitution (as amended), the legislative powers of the Federal Republic of Nigeria are vested in the National Assembly. Lawmakers are empowered to make laws for the peace, order, and good governance of the federation and to exercise oversight over the executive. Nowhere does the Constitution assign them the responsibility of executing projects. In contrast, Section 7 recognises the system of local government by democratically elected councils, while the Fourth Schedule of the Constitution clearly outlines the functions of local governments. These include the construction and maintenance of roads, streets, street lighting, drains, public conveniences, markets, and primary healthcare facilities, among others.

When federal legislators insert boreholes and classroom renovations into the national budget, they encroach into responsibilities constitutionally assigned to local governments. This structural overlap undermines federalism and weakens institutional clarity.

The consequences of this practice are significant. First, it encourages budget padding and political bargaining during appropriation processes. Projects are often frontloaded into the budget under pressure from constituents who now measure legislative performance by visible infrastructure rather than quality lawmaking. Second, it creates room for diversion of public funds and abandonment of projects. Reports have repeatedly shown that many constituency projects are either poorly executed or left incomplete. Third, it fosters undue political patronage, with allegations that some legislators influence the selection of contractors through Ministries, Departments, and Agencies (MDAs).

This situation places lawmakers in an awkward position. Instead of focusing on crafting strong legislation, debating national economic direction, or strengthening oversight functions, they are drawn into the politics of contract facilitation. To meet constituency expectations, legislators feel compelled to secure more projects, further straining the national purse. Governance becomes transactional rather than strategic.

The issue is not whether communities deserve development—they certainly do. The problem lies in institutional misplacement. Legislators can and should advocate for their constituencies. They can lobby the executive to prioritise certain areas. They can debate motions highlighting urgent needs. But directly embedding localised projects in the federal budget distorts the separation of powers.

The capital component of the national budget should focus on high-impact, cross-cutting projects that benefit all Nigerians. Federal road construction, for example, should prioritise highways linking states and boosting interstate commerce. In agriculture, the emphasis should be on mechanised farming, irrigation systems, and national food security infrastructure. In health and education, priority should go to tertiary institutions and specialised facilities that serve the broader population. These are clearly federal responsibilities.

With the renewed push for local government autonomy, it is even more imperative to return grassroots development to local councils. Allocations meant for constituency projects should instead be ploughed back into MDAs for strategic federal priorities. At the same time, local governments should receive and manage their constitutionally guaranteed allocations directly, empowering them to execute community-level projects efficiently and sustainably. When local councils own and implement such projects, continuity is more likely, and accountability is clearer.

Reforming this system would also contribute to reducing the cost of governance. If lawmakers are relieved of the unofficial burden of project facilitation, the financial vote allocated to the National Assembly could be reviewed downward. Serious consideration could even be given to part-time legislative arrangements, as practiced in some democracies, to align with the broader objective of fiscal prudence.

Ultimately, criminalizing the practice of embedding constituency projects in the national budget is not an attack on development. It is a call for constitutional discipline, fiscal transparency, and institutional strengthening. Nigeria’s democracy will mature only when public offices function strictly within their defined mandates.

When legislators return fully to lawmaking and oversight, and local governments assume responsibility for grassroots’ development as envisioned in the Constitution, the country will not only save resources—it will build stronger institutions. And in governance, strong institutions matter far more than scattered boreholes.

Emejuiwe is the Programme Manager, Resource Centre for Human Rights and Civic Education (CHRICED), Abuja

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